09 AprRudd uses Tamils as political pawns again

Crikey – Re-election reality hits Afghan and Sri Lankan asylum seekers

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Canberra correspondent Bernard Keane writes

While the numbers of asylum seekers trying to reach Australia by boat remains small, the political impact was growing. Seemingly every day, a new media alert would appear from Home Affairs Minister Brendan O’Connor’s office announcing yet another boat had been intercepted.

The issue has yet to ignite with the public in the way it did in 2001, but the steady stream of boats gave the sense that a highway into Australia had been opened via Christmas Island and it was becoming packed with traffic.

The bulk of the arrivals were from Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. Last year, Afghanistan once again became the world’s biggest source of asylum seekers, with more than 26,000 Afghans seeking refuge outside their country, mainly in Europe.

The UNHCR’s review of circumstances in Sri Lanka has given the Government the cover it needs to send a signal that it is prepared to be tough on asylum seekers as well as people smugglers. Essential Research polling released earlier this week showed most voters thought the Government was too soft on the issue.

The Government’s announcement of temporary suspensions of processing of asylum claims by Afghans and Sri Lankans will induce a furious reaction from refugee advocates, the Greens, and perhaps even some Labor MPs. That will be exactly what the Government wants — criticism that it is mimicking the Howard Government on the issue will play well with mainstream voters who voted Labor in 2007, but who might be prepared to let their anti-refugee views sway their vote this time around.

The Government was justifiably proud of its amendments to remove the excesses of the Howard Government’s treatment of asylum seekers, which had in any event been softened over time.

But there is no way it will permit asylum seekers or their local advocates to endanger its re-election. This is straight-out, brutal realpolitik.

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01 FebAust and war criminals

The following article by Antony Loewenstein appeared in Crikey today -  Australia rolls out the welcome mat for war criminal retirees

The news that defeated Sri Lankan presidential candidate and former army chief Sarath Fonseka may claim temporary asylum in Australia due to fears for his life  is the latest saga in the country’s ongoing tragedy.

Foreign Minister Stephen Smith denies that Australian officials in Colombo ever received an approach by Fonseka and the man himself now denies seeking asylum.

The International Crisis Group late last week  said that Fonseka could justifiably be concerned for his personal safety due to incumbent Mahinda Rajapakse’s brutal dictatorship that tolerates no real dissent.

Fonseka’s party’s offices have been raided in Colombo and many of his supporters arrested. He now threatens to make information public that highlights the murky world of disappearances and murders over past years. Journalists have been particularly vulnerable. More

Antony is a Sydney journalist and author of My Israel Question and The Blogging Revolution. He is also an adviser on the Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice and is part of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies’ Sri Lanka Human Rights Project.

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18 NovIn other news

SMH – Victory for Gillard as safe spot found for Ferguson

Catholic Leader – Call for Pope to visit Sri Lanka

A BRISBANE priest and a doctor have supported Pope Benedict’s recent call to the Sri Lankan Government to free displaced civilians from internment camps.

However, both Dominican Father Pan Jordan and Dr Brian Senewiratne believe the Pope must visit Sri Lanka to have any impact on the mistreatment of the estimated 250,000 Tamil people imprisoned in camps in the country’s north.

Both also say, given the appalling conditions in their home country, it is no wonder that Tamils are fleeing by boat to find refuge in countries including Australia.

Pope Benedict was recently reported as noting “with satisfaction” that the Sri Lankan Government was making an effort to allow for those displaced by the decades-long civil war to return to their homes.

But Fr Jordan and Dr Senewiratne, who have considerable experience of life in Sri Lanka, said many of these people had no homes to return to.

Fr Jordan, who was born into a Tamil family in the northern town of Adampan in 1954, and who has returned to Sri Lanka in the years since becoming a priest, most recently in April this year, keeps in regular contact with priests and religious sisters in the strife-torn country.

“My contacts report that many of the Tamil people have had their homes destroyed,” Fr Jordan said.

“Others return only to find their homes occupied by the Singhalese.”

Life is also dangerous for Tamils that are not kept in internment camps.

In 2007, a former government minister estimated that one person disappeared every five hours in Sri Lanka. More

Crikey – When it comes to the boat people issue, Rudd is drowning

The above article by Canberra correspondent Bernard Keane appeared in yesterdays (18/11) Crikey

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07 NovOption for PM Rudd – take 10 000 Tamils

The below article by Canberra correspondent Bernard Keane appeared in yesterdays (06/11) Crikey. Please subscribe to Crikey and support independant media

Memo. To: PM. Re: Oceanic Viking. Subject: “gamebreaker” option

Canberra correspondent Bernard Keane writes:

Prime Minister
You have sought options for resolving the Oceanic Viking stand-off, within the policy parameters of both
* your stated policy of being “tough but humane” and
* the need to avoid a community reaction both to perceived mistreatment of the asylum seekers and to perceived favourable treatment of them.

We regret to advise that these policy parameters considerably circumscribe options.

In retrospect, the removal of the asylum seekers to Christmas Island immediately after their rescue would have avoided both the ensuing stand-off (or, as you termed it in our briefing this week, the contraindicated disembarkation dispute) and internal Indonesian disputes which may constrain the capacity of President Yudyohono to provide ongoing assistance on the asylum seeker issue.

We also note your ongoing and volubly-expressed frustration that the Opposition has declined to state its own position on the matter. We regret to advise that this matter is beyond your control.

Available options appear to be:

Compel the disembarkation of the asylum seekers by Customs personnel. This would have mixed political outcomes, drawing criticism from supporters of asylum seekers (the “humanes”) and support from those antipathetic toward asylum seekers (the “toughs”). However, such a course of action is likely to alienate both local Indonesian authorities and the Indonesian Government itself. As the long-term cooperation of Indonesian authorities is critical to the success of Australia’s broader asylum-seeker policy, this option would appear to be counter-productive given the small number of asylum seekers concerned.

Dispatch the Oceanic Viking to Sri Lanka As Sri Lankan citizens, the return of the asylum seekers to Sri Lanka would be an arguable course of action, and one likely to draw support from the more vicious-minded “toughs” in the community and certain elements in the media. It was also attract considerable criticism on the correct grounds that it is likely to be returning genuine refugees to the authorities from whom they are seeking refuge. Moreover, they are less likely to disembark in Sri Lanka than in Indonesia, leading us back to the issues outlined in Option 1.

Transfer the asylum seekers to Christmas Island. On the basis that the legitimacy or otherwise of the asylum claims of the group is not affected by the location in which the assessment is made, it makes no difference whether the assessment is made on Christmas Island or elsewhere. However, the demonstration effect of the success of asylum seekers who have been rescued in Indonesian waters on others who may attempt to reach Australia in unsuitable vessels may increase the likelihood of the loss of vessels and those aboard them. It would also be portrayed as a major defeat both for the Government politically and for its border protection policies.

A possible resolution may be for the permit for the Oceanic Viking to operate in Indonesian waters to be allowed to lapse by the Indonesian Government, thereby compelling its withdrawal to Christmas Island. This would permit the Government to portray the transfer to Christmas Island as a legal and diplomatic necessity.

In summary, your own assessment of your options in our briefing earlier this week is correct: you are indeed located in a waterborne faecal concourse unequipped with an appropriate means of propulsion.

However, you may wish to consider a “gamebreaker” option that would shift the debate over asylum seekers in your favour.

In 1998 the previous Government undertook to accept over 4000 Kosovan refugees fleeing Serbian ethnic cleansing. You may wish to consider a similar undertaking: commit Australia to accepting, for example, 10,000 Tamil asylum seekers in the next 18 months, but on the basis that they are assessed and subject to appropriate security vetting by Australian authorities offshore, while any boat arrivals would be subjected to the current assessment and detention process.

This would reduce the incentive for asylum seekers to reach Australia by boat by providing an alternative means of access to Australia’s humanitarian program. The 10,000 could be a temporary addition to Australia’s humanitarian intake or the numbers could be “borrowed” from the 2011-12 humanitarian intake, as was done for the Kosovan refugees.

This would represent a genuine effort on Australia’s part to address a key “push factor” in regional asylum seeker numbers while enabling the Government to legitimately deter dangerous attempts to reach Australia by boat.

Such a decision may draw criticism from both “toughs” and “humanes”. Unfortunately, your stated preference for an option that everyone is happy with is currently unavailable.

29 OctSL must be held to account

Crikey: Time to stand up for human rights in Sri Lanka — at last

Jake Lynch, director of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPACS) at the University of Sydney, 29 October 2009

Sri Lanka Week has shrunk to a long weekend. The trade and investment shindig in Melbourne’s Docklands was scheduled to take place in June, but was called off amid outrage over the Sri Lankan army’s pounding of Tamil areas and UN estimates of 20,000 deaths. It’s back on, from Friday to Sunday, promising visitors “the opportunity to feel and experience the taste of paradise”.

Instead, we should remember 300,000 inmates who are being held against their will in a living hell — the giant internment camp at Menik Farm — in violation of their rights under international and Sri Lankan law. Alarming eyewitness testimony trickles out, of food and clean drinking water in desperately short supply, filthy conditions and — for any who might be tempted to protest to the occasional foreign visitor — the ever-present threat of disappearance.

That’s a fate that has befallen thousands over the years, in Sri Lanka’s dirty war with the Tamil Tiger rebels, which ended just over five months ago. Various commissions of inquiry were set up, only to fail in bringing any of the culprits to justice: a “sham”, in the words of Amnesty International. So the bullies carry on with impunity, and impunity incentivises repetition: we got away with it once, why not do it again? More

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14 OctRudd can't duck this one

Crikey - Rundle: Rudd, Ruddock and the deep, dark currents of fear

14 October 2009 Guy Rundle writes:

God it was like one of those Japanese horror movies, where a ghost appears on a videotape, and everyone who sees it dies.

Lucky Phil Ruddock, hovering round the backbenches these past years — possibly because he knows that he’ll be a pariah when he leaves — popped up to tell us of TEN THOUSAND asylum seeking illegal queue jumpers coming our way.

“They’re waiting in Iran, in Pakistan, in Syria …”

In Manangatang and Naracoorte and Dimboola and Jerilderie … they come from everywhere man.

To say Ruddock was enjoying himself would be a category error, but he appeared to be getting some relief from being the Coalition’s scapegoat for the shame of its refugee policies.

I don’t mean he’s been blamed or set-up. The scapegoat is not sacrificed — instead he is sent into the desert, loaded with the tribe’s sins.

The scapegoat is not worthy of sacrifice. The tribe purifies itself, by forgetting he ever existed.

There was the old demeanour — the skin like wet paper mache, waiting to be molded, the hair like a wreath of cigarette smoke. Ruddock, a man of liberal instincts some years, decades, ago, took on the refugee thing for complicated reasons. It chewed him up, and spat him out, and the result, pulsating with resentment and vindictive and premature triumph, is what we now see on our screens.

But is he right? Can this thing be kicked into touch?

The answer is unknowable, because what happens in the next six months will tell us as much about the past as about the future. If Labor does not panic, and holds the line at some level, and the issue does not once again move to the centre of political life, then we know with greater certainty what this country is.

We will know that the bias in creating Tampa politics lay with the Howard government – that they enrolled the evil angels of our nature in a campaign consciously framed to inflame, in the medical sense, certain sensitivities in the body politic, that had abated but not yet disappeared – a fear of boats from the north, whether it be the Russians, the Chinese, the Communists, the red menace, the yellow peril, the burnt orange fashion of the 1970s…

However, if it all starts up again, then we will know we are in a different kind of trouble — if we simply get a re-run of the Tampa hysteria, then we will know that these currents run much deeper in Australian society, and that it has less to do with the political manipulation of some old fears, than with a modern indifference to the suffering of others based on selfish and foolish notions that occupying an island-continent somehow means we can pick and choose our engagement with the world.

Of course if Labor doesn’t hold some sort of line, if it goes the full fear root, and tries to leapfrog the Libs on border security, then we won’t know anything.

But there seems little likelihood that Labor will do that – not necessarily because they are more moral than the Coalition (though they are), but because there is no upside to it.

Click here to read article

03 OctBoat people more important than HR

Andrew Bartlett 

Crikey Blogs – Refugee priorities

The slow increase in the number of asylum seekers arriving by boat in Australian waters is creating a slowly increasing number of http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/rise-of-refugees-fleeing-war-zones/story-e6freuy9-1225781820179 antagonistic public comments and complaints.  Immigration Minister Chris Evans understandably points to the deteriorating position in parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan as a factor, as well as noting http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/steering-through-rough-seas-20091001-gejt.html a “second supply chain” from Sri Lanka.
It is an unfortunate sign of how easily our priorities and perspective can be distorted. The arrival of a few hundred Sri Lankan asylum seekers – even though those assessed as not being refugees are being returned – is seen by some as a serious problem.  Yet the Sri Lankan government continues to detain over a quarter of a million men, women and children in over-crowded, unsafe internment camps with barely a concern being voiced.  This http://www.crikey.com.au/2009/09/30/sri-lanka-and-its-manik-approach-to-human-rights/ piece by Jeff Sparrow notes that the silence about this situation extends to most other western countries too.  The piece also contains some descriptions from http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/sep/13/tamils-camps-sri-lanka The Guardian and elsewhere about the awful conditions in the camps and other human rights breaches.
http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/09/22/sri-lanka-world-leaders-should-demand-end-detention-camps  Human Rights Watch has done their usual thorough job of detailing the situation facing hundreds of thousands of displaced people.
Since March 2008, the Sri Lankan government has confined virtually everyone displaced by the war between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to detention camps, depriving them of their liberty and freedom of movement in violation of international law. As of September 15, 2009, the government was holding 264,583 internally displaced persons in detention camps and hospitals, according to the UN, while fewer than 12,000 have been released or returned home.
Human Rights Watch also list specific problems such as:
- Arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance;
- Inability to trace missing relatives: The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which often traces family members, has been barred from the main camps since mid-July);
- Lack of protection mechanisms in the camps: The military camp administration is preventing humanitarian organizations, including the UN and the ICRC, from undertaking effective monitoring and protection in the camps;
- Conditions in the camps and expected deterioration during the monsoon;
- Lack of access to proper medical care
- Lack of transparency and information,
But it seems the prospect of a few hundred Sri Lankans arriving in Australia by boat, some of whom are undoubtedly fleeing this situation, is a much bigger problem than the human rights abuses being inflicted on as thousand times as many people in the place they have left.
As Jeff Sparrow says in noting the minimal concern being expressed internationally:
That’s why the situation in Sri Lanka matters so much. It’s not simply because there’s something fundamentally wrong about mass collective punishment. It’s because if the world doesn’t speak out, you can expect see the model put into action elsewhere.

The slow increase in the number of asylum seekers arriving by boat in Australian waters is creating a slowly increasing number of  antagonistic public comments and complaints.  Immigration Minister Chris Evans understandably points to the deteriorating position in parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan as a factor, as well as noting a “second supply chain” from Sri Lanka.

It is an unfortunate sign of how easily our priorities and perspective can be distorted. The arrival of a few hundred Sri Lankan asylum seekers is seen by some as a serious problem, even though those assessed as not being refugees are being returned.

Yet the Sri Lankan government continues to detain over a quarter of a million men, women and children in over-crowded, unsafe internment camps with barely a concern being voiced.  This piece by Jeff Sparrow notes that the silence about this situation extends to most other western countries too.  The piece also contains some descriptions from The Guardian and elsewhere about the awful conditions in the camps and other human rights breaches.

Human Rights Watch has done their usual thorough job of detailing the situation facing hundreds of thousands of displaced people.

Since March 2008, the Sri Lankan government has confined virtually everyone displaced by the war between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to detention camps, depriving them of their liberty and freedom of movement in violation of international law. As of September 15, 2009, the government was holding 264,583 internally displaced persons in detention camps and hospitals, according to the UN, while fewer than 12,000 have been released or returned home.

Human Rights Watch also list specific problems such as:

- Arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance;

- Inability to trace missing relatives: The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which often traces family members, has been barred from the main camps since mid-July);

- Lack of protection mechanisms in the camps: The military camp administration is preventing humanitarian organizations, including the UN and the ICRC, from undertaking effective monitoring and protection in the camps;

- Conditions in the camps and expected deterioration during the monsoon;

- Lack of access to proper medical care

- Lack of transparency and information.

But it seems the prospect of a few hundred Sri Lankans arriving in Australia by boat, some of whom are undoubtedly fleeing this situation, is a much bigger problem than the human rights abuses being inflicted on as thousand times as many people in the place they have left.

As Jeff Sparrow said in noting the minimal concern being expressed internationally:

That’s why the situation in Sri Lanka matters so much. It’s not simply because there’s something fundamentally wrong about mass collective punishment. It’s because if the world doesn’t speak out, you can expect see the model put into action elsewhere.

30 Sep1000 people have died in the camps

Crikey : Sri Lanka and its Manik approach to human rights

Overland editor Jeff Sparrow writes:

In what’s surely one of the more remarkable fact-finding missions in recent years, Sri Lanka’s attorney-general Mohan Peiris is heading to Washington for meetings with the US defence establishment. His goal? Learning to emulate the US’ treatment of captured Islamic militants!

Now, there’s not too many contexts in which anyone would point to Guantanamo Bay and say, gosh, we’d like one of those. Then again, there’s not too many nations that currently keep a quarter of a million people detained indefinitely in camps.

In Sri Lanka, an appalling human rights tragedy continues to play out. After the wake of the military defeat of the Tamil Tigers (an organisation undoubtedly responsible for its own atrocities), 250,000 Tamils have been herded into detention. Here’s how the Guardian describes one such internment facility:

“The camp, say former inhabitants, is packed, with two or three families sharing a tent or tin shack. There are complaints of stinking, overflowing toilets, water shortages and inadequate healthcare. Journalists are rarely given access and those inside Manik Farm are not allowed to cross its fortified perimeter.”

Click here to read article

03 SepVideo shatters polite silence in Sri Lanka’s civil war

Crikey – Video shatters polite silence in Sri Lanka’s civil war

by Jeff Sparrow

Earlier this the year, Sri Lanka’s long-running civil war culminated in the military destruction of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in a hideous gotterdammerung in the islands’ north-east.

For the most part, the world discreetly hid its eyes from exactly what took place, an evasion made easier by the Tigers’ own unlovely history (suicide bombings, cult of personality, etc). Last week, however, Britain’s Channel Four shattered that polite silence by screening a particularly ghastly video (warning: it’s NSFW  — or anywhere else for that matter), purportedly taken during the war’s final stages.

The clip shows a naked man, hands tied behind his back. He’s thrown to the ground in what seems like a jungle clearing. A second figure dressed in Sri Lankan military uniform gives the prisoner a final kick and then fires an assault rifle into his head. As the body slumps, there’s a giggle. “It’s like he jumped,” says a voice. The camera pans, revealing a landscape strewn with corpses: most of them naked, all of them bound. Later, a second man is dragged out. He, too, is shot.

According to Channel Four, the footage came from the exile group, Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka. JDS says the clip, filmed on a mobile phone in January during the battle for the LTTE’s capital Kilinochchi, had been circulating amongst soldiers, a grisly digital souvenir.

For its part, the Sri Lankan government has denounced the footage as fraudulent. The Tigers often dressed in army uniforms, explained military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara. Why, they probably made the clip themselves.

Well, it’s a theory. But does the brigadier encourage journalists to investigate, to clear up the imposture? No, not so much. In fact, yesterday, the Sri Lankan high court sentenced prominent editor JS Tissainayagam to 20 years hard labour. Tissainayagam, among other sins, had published details of war time atrocities  — and, in many respects, he got off lightly. The advocacy group Reporters Without Borders lists Sri Lanka as the country in which media employees are most likely to disappear. That, incidentally, explains Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka: not a Tamil group but an organisation made up of some of the many journalists forced to flee for their lives.

Despite the government’s phoned-in denial, the massacre footage seems authentic precisely because it’s so uncinematic, so understated. There’s no great explosions, no gouts of blood, just one group of young men systematically and unhurriedly murdering another. The childishness of the soldiers (in bumpkin Sinhala, they play out the game “kurupiti gahanawa wage” —  “Your Turn, My Turn”  — as they kill) recalls other battlefield atrocities from other conflicts, where banality and routine normalises the unspeakable and steadies the executioners. The victims’ empty expressions, the rubberiness of their limbs: you can see something similar in the few surviving photos of the Einsatzgruppen in Poland, in which the process of mass slaughter seems to reduce its victims almost to automatons even before any shots are fired.

As for the circulation of a video, that’s a recent technological innovation in group violence, popularised only over the past decade or so. You’ll recall that someone captured Saddam’s last moments on a cellular phone, that, in Iraq, US soldiers regularly swapped combat footage until their commanders cracked down on the practice. Sharing the moments of death bonds the perpetrators and dissolves their responsibility, with any lingering unease diffused among everyone who approvingly nods along to the atrocity.

In any case, the most obvious reason to think the JDS footage authentic is that there’s so much other evidence suggesting that terrible things took place in the war’s final phases. With the Tigers confined to a shrinking scrap of jungle, the Sri Lankan government launched a full-scale assault, using mortars and artillery. The conflict zone at that time contained hundreds of thousands of ordinary people but the same military mouthpieces that so airily dismiss the massacre clip assured the world that no innocents were killed. By contrast, a Times investigation put the toll at about 20,000.

And still the abuses continue. Hundreds of thousands of civilians remain in militarised detention centres, where they lack proper sanitation and medical care, and where the few external observers reliably report ongoing intimidation and abuse. When United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon visited camps in May, he said: “I have travelled around the world and visited similar places, but this is by far the most appalling scene I have seen.”

In some ways, the worst thing about watching that JDS clip is the despairing sense that it will change nothing. In the wake of atrocity, we’ve all heard the Sri Lankan rhetorical style, time after time  — in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in Gaza. These days, such things can simply be brazened out. On the one hand, there’s blackened bodies and witness testimony and video evidence; on the other, there’s a square-jawed military man on the TV, saying, “Who are you going to believe, me or your lying eyes?”

Cruelty and abuses spread like viruses, with the standards set by the wealthier nations impacting disproportionately on the earth’s wretched. To put things bluntly, if the urbane and sophisticated Barack Obama, liberalism’s shining knight, won’t punish his employees for torture (as well as the waterboarding and the stress positions and the sleep deprivation, the CIA, we now learn, threatened detainees with mock executions, power drills and sexual assault), why should anyone expect Sri Lanka, an impoverished Third World Government grappling with a savage war, to investigate extrajudicial killings? Amnesty and similar bodies can produce as many reports about the internment camps as they like but after nearly a decade of politicians from Great Britain, the United States and, yes, Australia routinely dismissing the “rights agenda” as shrill and hysterical on Guantanamo or Bagram or refugees or anything much else, there’s very little in the way of political repercussions if Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara simply shrugs his epauletted shoulders at a massacre or two.

So that, unfortunately, is where we’re at, a decade into the 21st century: a jungle clearing, a scattering of bodies — and, almost certainly, no consequences whatsoever.

29 AugIn other news…

Haaretz – Tutu to Haaretz: Arabs paying the price of the Holocaust

Crikey – Reaction to Pilger award reveals Zionist lobby’s fear of dissent